Sunday, June 29, 2014

Reflections on the Saudi film Wadjda and her Green Bicycle


I started my journalism career working at “the female journalist” section in a local newspaper in Jeddah – the second biggest city in Saudi Arabia – where “the other sex” were not allowed to enter our editorial office. It was 2005 when I caught wind of a Saudi woman who began mastering the art of filmmaking in a country without movie theatres. It felt as if this female Saudi filmmaker started emerging out of the gender apartheid state and challenging the status quo.
The filmmaker was Haifaa Al-Mansour, who has recently received universal acclaim for directing the first Saudi feature film Wadjda oThe Green Bicycle. She carries a unique signature as the first female filmmaker from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia or rather “the Kingdom of Men” as a Saudi female activist dubbed it.
Al Mansour’s first feature film follows the story of the protagonist Wadjda, a 10-year-old girl. The movie was screened all over the world, but never in her homeland as there are no movie theatres in Saudi Arabia despite the fact that the movie was filmed in the Saudi capital.
Wadjda hopes to buy a bike for herself by winning a Quran recitation competition at school that offers a 200 Euro cash prize. Wadjda desperately wants a bike so she can beat her best friend, Abdullah in a race. It is the story of the harsh reality and cruelty of a segregated society, but it’s also a story of warmth, kindness, possibility as well as the desire for change. The general narrative captured my heart through the memories, feelings and questions it provoked.
The film’s opening sequences focus on the girls’ shoes: all black, plain and identical. Then they step aside to reveal Wadjda’s Converse All-Stars with purple laces, which set her apart from the other girls. I went to Saudi public schools that were similar to what is portrayed in the movie. There were many “Wadjda-like” characters in my school who broke the rules. I recall that we were the target of morning inspections by our teachers and principle. We had detailed rules on everything, from the uniform, hair bundle down to the colour of our shoes. Violating rules subjected you to punishment. 
A Saudi writer told me that when he was 13 he used to play with his neighbour’s daughter. One day, she disappeared from the street and he missed her. He knocked on her family’s door to ask about her. “Amal is an adult now, she is no longer allowed to play on the street,” said the mother and shut the door. “Since then I fell in love with that girl and I felt it was unjustifiable that they denied our friendship,” the writer said.
In a similar situation, Wadjda’s best friend Abdullah has expressed in the movie that he will marry her when they get older. It was the only way for little Abdullah to overcome the heart-breaking fact that their companionship must soon come to an end in the segregated country.
Women find their way by creating new alternatives. Hiring drivers are one example. In the movie, Wadjda’s mother represents the daily struggle to appease the Asian driver so that she does not lose her only means of transportation. 
Many of those working women spent half of their income or even more on private drivers. Technically they are working for the drivers, not the opposite. The warm relationship between Wadjda and her father proves that Saudi men are not inherently misogynist but patriarchy and gender norms force individuals into accepting the collective social norms.
There are a number of scenes where the director is trying to convey the bitter reality that males are not the only ones who are repressing women, but even women themselves internalize that oppression and play a role in reproducing the patriarchal system. That was the case with Wadjad’s teacher, mother and some of her classmates. This was also my personal account, as I have never met any males in Saudi Arabia other than my relatives, and my first experience with oppression came from fellow women, whether they were illiterate or educated women. A teacher once scolded me for working as a journalist and speaking with a male over the phone.
All in all, the film gives a very accurate and realistic portrayal of life in Saudi Arabia, which has never been shown to Western audiences. Before Wadjda, Al Mansour screened her short documentary Women without Shadows in 2005 at the residence of the French Consulate. That movie tackled the debate around hijab and the contradictory stances by leading religious scholars. Al Mansour produced two other short movies with almost no budget and with the help of her sisters. “I am inclined to social issues and I believe that cinema gives people an opportunity to reflect on their own reality,” said the filmmaker during my very first interview with her in 2006.
One should discuss Al Mansour’s claim that her movies only tackle social themes; hence they should not be given a political dimension. The current system of the Kingdom was a result of a theocratic marriage between the political elite and the religious establishment. The first accepted that the conservative Islamic branch, Wahhabism, became the dominant religious power in society, in exchange for the latter's support for the royal family’s claim for political power.
Hence, to call the oppression of women in Saudi Arabia a “social problem” is a total disregard for this historical division of power and that women have been central to both the religious and political projects. On the contrary, the royal family has actively supported the Wahhabi conservative movement, since its socially oppressive version of Islam coincided with a political regime that too relied on political oppression in order to stay in power. Disregarding these historical facts throws Al Mansour at the side of the state’s official narrative, which claims that what is happening in the country is due to the will of the people, not the will of the elite. Thus, the movie is against the society, not the state.
I met Al Mansour personally in 2010 and interviewed her twice. I followed the controversy that her movies caused within Saudi society. Despite the absence of actual theatres, Saudis watch movies on TV, DVD and through the internet. The views from her country about her work ranged from alarm and indignant rejection to sincere empathy. 
Al Mansour’s plan to direct her first feature film was disclosed in an interview in 2010 and was scheduled to be released in 2011. However, they had to postpone the project as she faced difficulties in convincing producers to shoot the film in her homeland. After years of struggle, Wadjda and her green bicycle transcend continental boundaries in 2013. What makes this movie unique is that it was filmed in Riyadh, the birthplace of the conservatives.
How come a movie which tackles taboo issues such as the status of women could be supported by the same oppressors? The Saudi government has allowed the director to film inside the country, a wealthy prince has partially funded the film, and at last her film has been selected as the Saudi state official submission for Oscar’s foreign-language category 2014.
Paradoxically, the oppressors who constructed the segregation system are maintaining to oppress half of their population on the one hand while celebrating the movie internationally on the other. Al Mansour expressed several times that she didn’t want to rebel or harm her own people’s feelings. However, her fellow citizen, professor of anthropology and religion Madawi Al Rasheed, in her book A Most Masculine State, consider Al Mansour and other Saudi women as “part of the state-sponsored feminism, in order to fight political dissent and appease the west.”
The Saudi state strives to promote the movie as a story about society’s lifestyle, regardless of the state’s crucial role in constructing the patriarchal system. Al Mansour might be an excellent example of the rentier state’s production, where people are “subjects” not full citizens due to the absence of taxation. Hence, individuals become grateful for the royal family instead of being demanding citizens.
Therefore, it was not surprising to me to see a scene where the Saudi royal family was inserted into the narrative. Once Wadjda rides her bicycle, we see a bus with a large sticker that shows images of senior state figures.
The Green Bicycle or Wadjda is a close-up of a closed state. It offers a visual insight into life in Saudi Arabia. I encourage everyone to see it with critical eyes. In the public debate, especially in the west, Saudi women and Arab women, in general, have been trapped within the duality of being survivors which need to be saved or victims which need to be rescued.
It is important that the story of Wadjda will not be caught up by misconceptions and just plain ignorance. Let us keep a professional distance from Al Mansour’s work and not get overwhelmed with the title of “exceptional first female director from oppressive Saudi Arabia.” If we forced Al Mansour into this presumed image and duality, we in the west would also be projecting another form of negative discrimination against Saudi women.

Saturday, February 1, 2014

Wadjda: A production of the Rentire state


 
Haifaa Al Mansour 


The Saudi state strives to promote the movie as a story about the society's lifestyle, regardless of the state crucial role in constructing the patriarchal system.  Al Manosur might be an excellent example of The Reinter state production, where people are “subjects” not full citizens due to the absence of taxation. Hence, individuals become grateful for the royal family instead of being demanding citizens. Therefore, it was not surprising to me to see a scene where the Saudi royal family was inserted into the narrative. Once Wadjda rides her bicycle, we see a bus with a large sticker that shows images of senior state figures.


First Published at the Daily Danish Newspaper, Information.


read the whole piece @ sharnoffsglobalviews


One should discuss Al Mansour’s claim that her movies only tackle social themes; hence they should not be given a political dimension. The current system of the Kingdom was a result of a theocratic marriage between the political elite and the religious institute. The first accepted that the conservative Islamic branch, Wahhabism, became the dominant religious power in society, in exchange for the latter’s support for the royal family’s claim for political power.  Al Mansour movies tackles women’s situation in her country. Hence, to call the oppression of women in Saudi Arabia a “social problem” is a total disregard for this historical division of power and that women have been the central to both the religious and political projects. On the contrary, the royal family has actively supported the Wahhabi conservative movement, since its socially oppressive version of Islam fitted extremely well with a political regime that too relied on political oppression in order to stay in power. Disregarding these historical facts, throws Al Mansour at the side of the state’s official narrative, which claims that what happening in the country, is due to people will not the elite will. Thus, the movie is against the society not the state.

I met Al Mansour personally in 2010 and interviewed her twice. Most importantly, I followed the controversy that her movies caused within the Saudi society. Despite the absence of actual theatres, Saudis watch movies on TV, DVD and through the internet. The views from her country about her work ranged from alarm and indignant rejection to sincere empathy. 


Al Mansour's plan to direct her first feature film was disclosed in an interview in 2010, and was scheduled to be released in 2011. However, they had to postpone the project as she faced difficulties in convincing producers to shoot the film in her homeland. After years of struggle, Wadjda and her green bicycle transcend continental boundaries in 2013. What makes this movie unique is that it was filmed in Riyadh “the capital of Saudi Arabia” and the birth place of the conservatives. Nevertheless, there are a number of questions spinning in my head. How come a movie which tackles taboo issue as Women’s status quo, could be supported by the same oppressors?” The Saudi government has allowed the director to film inside the country, a wealthy prince has partially funded the film, and at last her film has been selected as the Saudi state official submission for the Oscar’s foreign-language category 2014.  



Paradoxically, the oppressors who constructed the segregation system is maintaining to oppress half of their population on one hand and celebrating the movie internationally on the other. Al Mansour expressed several times that she didn't want to rebel or harm her own people’s feelings. However, her fellow citizen, professor of anthropology and religion Madawi Al Rasheed, in her book A Most Masculine State, considers Al Mansour and other Saudi women as “part of the state-sponsored feminism, in order to fight political dissent and appease the west”.  

The Saudi state strives to promote the movie as a story about the society's lifestyle, regardless of the state crucial role in constructing the patriarchal system.  Al Manosur might be an excellent example of The Rentier state's production, where people are “subjects” not full citizens due to the absence of taxation. Hence, individuals become grateful for the royal family instead of being demanding citizens. 

Therefore, it was not surprising to me to see a scene where the Saudi royal family was inserted into the narrative. Once Wadjda rides her bicycle, we see a bus with a large sticker that shows images of senior state figures. 

The Green Bicycle is a close-up of an isolated state. It offers a visual insight of the life in Saudi Arabia. I encourage everyone to see it with critical eyes. In the public debate, especially in the west, Saudi women and Arab women in general have been trapped within the duality of being survivors,-need to be saved- or victims. Therefore, it is important that the story of Wadjda will not be caught up by misconceptions and just plain ignorance. Therefore, let us keep a professional distance from Al Mansour’s work and not get overwhelmed with the title of “Exceptional first female director from oppressive Saudi Arabia”. If we forced Al Mansour into this presumed image and duality, we also “in the west” would be projecting another form of negative discrimination against Saudi women. 

Saturday, October 26, 2013

Drones attacks de-humanize and de-individualize Yemenis!




One September, 30 organizations in Sweden have assembled to arrange a peaceful demonstration in protest against American administration policies. I participated in the demo representing The Yemeni Salon. I spoke on the policy of drones warfare, that de-humanize and de-individualize people. You can find the speech below in English and in Swedish.








In English: 

“I was sitting with my friends there, and we were going to play football, when suddenly we were shaken by the sound of a violent explosion. I looked in front of me and saw a car  burning. A missile had struck it. Shrapnel hit me in my foot, but I did not feel any pain, and I ran towards the house with blood flowing from my injury. I saw the car burning beside me and one of my friends lost consciousness. Someone came with a car and took us to the hospital.”*

This is a terrifying story by a 13 years-old boy from Yemen called Amin Ali Hassan Al-Wisabi, 

Ali is one child of many other hundreds children that were targeted by American missile strikes. 

Today we are here to say that our improvised country –Yemen is not the terrorism capital of the world. we are here to say that the only terrorism we see right now is the multiple US drones flying over innocents civilians, 

Obama administration is running an assassination program. American war machine and  he drones warfare is a blind machine that kills without any proof or fair trials.That kills and  violates state sovereignty.

Everyone knows that Al-Qaeda was an American made enemy and now they are making  their own enemy again.  The America administration policy gives reasons for civilians to be radicalized and to be terrorists. 

They don’t understand the simple equation: drones doesn't make anyone safer, and “when a U.S. drone missile kills a child in Yemen, the father will go to war with US and this has  nothing to do with Al Qaeda,”

              Dear Friends, As we gather here under to protest against the violations of US administration. We condemn mass murder in Yemen, 
 Pakistan, Somalia and Afghanistan. We hold the U.S administration and our dictator governments accountable for the loss of the civilian lives.

Dear brothers and sisters, we would like to remind you by Martin Luther King words "In the End, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends." we Yemenis are concerned that Sweden will also contribute to the development of the drone, which is a growing industry. We urge to be vigilant and examine your own government, we urge you to be watchdogs and to keep eyes on your representatives and to questions the talks and agreements behind closed doors… that are signed by your names”



På Svenska

Jag satt där med mina vänner. Vi skulle just spela fotboll. Då, plötsligt, kastades vi omkull av en våldsam explosion. Jag tittade upp och såg en bil som brann framför mig. En missil hade träffat den. Splitter hade träffat mig i foten, men jag kände ingen smärta. Jag sprang mot huset medan blodet forsade från mitt sår. En av mina vänner förlorade medvetandet. Någon kom med en bil och tog oss till sjukhuset.

Det ni just hörde var ett vittnesmål från en trettonårig pojke i Jemen som heter Ali Hassan Al-Wisabi.Ali är ett av många hundra barn som drabbats av amerianska drönarattacker. Idag har vi samlats här för att säga att ett litet fattigt land som heter Jemen inte är något centrum för terrorism. Vi har samlats här för att säga att terrorismens centrum ligger i Washington. Att den terrorism som vi ser nu är de amerikanska drönare som flyger över oskyldiga civila. Att den terrosism som vi ser utgörs av den amerikanska krigsmaskin som dödar bybor, gravida kvinnor, barn, och en och annan milisman som de påstår är med i Al Qaida.

Obamas administration leder ett mördarprogram. De amerikanska drönarna är en del i detta mördarprogram som dödar utan bevis eller rättegång. Det är ett mördarprogram som släcker människoliv och kränker staters suvernitet.
Alla vet att Al Qaida tidigare sponsrades av USA. Nu har amerikanernas gamla vän blivit deras värsta fiende. Samtidigt skapar Obamaadministrationen nya fiender. USA:s dödande av oskyldiga civila göder radikalism och terrorism. USA vägrar förstå att drönare inte gör någon säkrare, och att varje gång dessa drönare dödar ett barn i Jemen så kommer en jeminitisk pappa att ta till vapen mot USA. Men det har ingenting med Al Qaida att göra!

När vi nu samlas här under den svenska himlen så gör vi det utan amerikanska drönare ovanför våra huvuden. Vi fördömer massmorden i Jemen, Pakistan, Somalia och Afghanistan. Vi håller den amerikanska administrationen ansvarig för dödandet av civila.

Kära vänner, jag skulle vilja påminna er om Martin Luther Kings ord:
"In the End, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends."

Kära vänner, vi jeminiter är oroliga att Sverige ska bidra till produktionen av drönare som är en växande industri. Vi uppmanar er att vara vaksamma och grannska er egen regering. Vi uppmanar er att agera vakthundar och hålla inte bara ett utan två ögon på era folkvalda representanter och att ifrågasätta de diskussioner och avtal som fattas bakom stängda dörrar.... I ert namn.
Tack!

She rocks the cradle with her right hand and the world with her left.

I was honored to hangout live on BBC Arabic with Rasha Qandeel and other inspiring and intelligent women from the Arab world, to speak out on challenges and opportunities in post revolutions. The talk was part of covering 100 Women conference, where the public service gathered powerful ladies from around the world debating and discussing issues effecting women across the globe.

 

Check the discussion on  BBC Nuqtat Hewar - نقطة حوار‎

Check also our google hangout talk 

مائة امرأة -100 women





سورة الياسين


على أحد ضفاف الدولة الريعية، ينام أبي، وتنام أمي وبعض من تبقى من أخوتي بدون أوراق ثبوتية. يستيقظون كل صباح على أمل أن لايتم القبض على ماتبقى من أمل. ويبقى السؤال الكبير الذي يطرق رؤسهم في نهاية مساءات التعب.. طيب وايش نسوي؟
" يقولون أن السماء تمطر ناراً في اليمن" تمتم أختي.
"لا نستيطع أن نعود لليمن، نحن لا نعرفها، هي لاتعرفنا".. تأكد أختي الصغرى
" إن شاء الله ماراح نترحل، وراح تتجدد الإقامة.. خلونا نقرأ سورة الياسين
والله راح يعميهم" هي ذات الكلمات ترددها أمي منذ خمس وعشرون عاماَ
 ..
مع انبلاج كل صباح، تتثاقل خطوات عم علي في الحياة، يبدأ يومه بجلسه ع القهوة المجاورة وبتأمل المارة....
" انتهت المدة المحددة لتصحيح أوضاع العمال وكفلائهم، واليوم سيتم ملاحقة كل العمالة السوداء التي استشرت في مدننا كسرطان خبيث"...
يقع الخبر الباعث من مذياع القهوة على قلب الخمسيني كوقع قنبلة. .. تثاقلت الهموم على أكتاف الإشتراكي "السابق" "والأخواني"الحالي فلا يجد
بدا إلا وأن يحادث ذاته....
يضرب بعصاته الأرض ويتنهد " يعني كفاح البوليتاريا صار عمل سرطاني، يعني بعد كل هذه الأعوام أًصبحنا نوسم بمصاصي دماء النفط"

يأتي صوت غاضب من وراءه....
"الهويات لو سمحت؟!"


.


Friday, August 30, 2013

Protester under Obamas Sverigebesök


När Barack Obama kommer till Sverige samlas en rad organisationer för att protestera mot olika delar av USA:s utrikespolitik. Till dem hör Jemenitiska Salongen i Stockholm, som vill uppmärksamma det fjärrstyrda bombkriget mot Jemen.
På några få år har världen vant sig vid att höra om USA:s attacker med obemannade flygplan i länder som Pakistan, Somalia och Jemen. Begreppet ”drönare” har blivit en del av krigets vokabulär. Men bortom science fiction-skimret finns en blodig verklighet, som jemenitiska aktivister bosatta i Sverige vill uppmärksamma i samband med Barack Obamas besök i Stockholm nästa vecka.
– USA:s drönarkrig i Jemen är inte bara en allvarlig kränkning av ett lands självständighet, det är kontraproduktivt och dödar många civila. Barn har dödats, kvinnor har dödats, till och med en 8-årig amerikansk medborgare har dödats, säger Hana al-Khamri, en av grundarna till Jemenitiska Salongen i Stockholm.
Snarare än att bekämpa terrorism bidrar USA:s drönarattacker till att radikalisera ett helt samhälle och skapa nya rekryter för extrema grupper, menar Hana al-Khamri.
– Mediernas rapportering kring drönarkriget bygger helt och hållet på Vita Husets världsbild och terminologi. Man skriver ”misstänkta terrorister” om människor som man inte vet något om. Bybor som inte ens vet var USA ligger på en karta dödas utan förvarning, och blir kallade terrorister av experter här i Sverige. Och även om måltavlorna skulle vara terrorister så får folket i Jemen aldrig veta vilka de är eller vad de gjort, och ingen möjlighet att ställa dem inför rätta, säger hon.
Hon pekar på Sveriges roll i den globala vapenindustrin som en viktig orsak till att uppmärksamma drönarkriget under Obamas besök.
– Vi är oroliga för att Sverige också kommer att bidra till utveckling av drönare, som är en växande industri. Vi vill uppmana det svenska folket att vara vaksamma och granska sin egen regering, att sätta sig in i vad samtalen med Obama faktiskt leder till, om det handlar om att fördjupa Sveriges inblandning i USA:s krigföring eller stärka det militära samarbetet.

Tuesday, December 11, 2012

Snårig väg till makten för kvinnor

Många hinder och prövningar väntar kvinnor som strävar efter ledarposter. Jemen är inget undantag. En grupp kvinnor i huvudstaden Sanaa har därför, enligt tidningen Yemen Observer, tagit initiativ till en kampanj. Målet är en miljon underskrifter till stöd för att kvinnor utses att kandidera i parlamentsvalet 2011.
Det första parlamentsvalet i landet hölls efter Jemens självständighetsdag den 22 maj 1990. Ingen kvinna valdes in. 1997 blev två kvinnor invalda, en av dem omvaldes 2003.
Arbetsgruppen ”Kvinnor i valet 2011” har lanserades på flera håll i landet och undersöker vilka strategier som kan få framstående kvinnor att vilja ställa upp och vad som kan få väljare att rösta in kvinnor.
Khadeeja Andullah al-Khatri, i det styrande partiet General People’s Congress verkställande utskott, säger att kvinnor innehar femton procent av posterna i partiet.
Stiftelsen för kulturell utveckling, The Cultural development program foundation, har sedan 2007 arbetat på att bilda en brett sammansatt påtryckargrupp vars uppgift är att säkra parlamentsplatser för kvinnor i valet 2011, antingen genom en lagändring som kvoterar platser för kvinnor eller genom att partierna tvingas sätta upp kvinnor på sina vallistor.
Ett råd bestående av kvinnliga advokater och aktivister bildades i maj 2009 för att juridiskt arbeta för kvinnor i parlamentet och stödja dem som kandiderar.
En orsak till den låga kvinnorepresentationen i politiken är att partierna har få kvinnliga medlemmar och ännu färre tänkbara kandidater, skriver The Yemen Parliament Watch Project.
Förutom politiska, ekonomiska och sociala problem, finns en stark tradition mot kvinnor i politiken. Dessutom är analfabetismen särskilt utbredd bland kvinnor.
En kvinna som vill kandidera och ge sig in i politiken måste inte bara ta sig igenom den nästan totala manliga dominansen i det politiska ledarskapet, utan också få sin familjs, sina släktingars och sina grannars välsignelse. Det gör det betydligt svårare för en kvinna än för en man att komma in i de inre cirklarna.
Efter varje val anklagar de politiska partierna varandra för att förbise och marginalisera kvinnor, men i verkligheten är de alla tveksamma eller direkt motvilliga till att låta kvinnor kandidera.