Qatar and Saudi Arabia: a sweltering "political row" hits the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC)

During the month of May, a tension broke up between a number of the Gulf member states following the statement of the young prince of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim Bin Hamad al-Thani, claiming Iran to have “a big power in the stabilisation of the region.” The statement outraged the gulf leading member state, Saudi Arabia and its main ally United Arab Emirates calling on Gulf and Arab countries to boycott Doha. The state of Qatar denied the allegations saying that the state TV had been hacked and false statements posted on it.  Regardless of whether the statement was accurately made or falsified, Qatar role and its foreign policy as a member of the “Arabian” Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) remain fascinating to securities. Here are some of my reflection on Qatar’s distinctive policies and behaviour as a micro-state.

Qatar's “pragmatic” Wahhabism

1. Qatar’s ruling family al-Thani and the House of Saud in Saudi Arabia adhere to the same ideological creed “Wahhabism”; a puritanical and orthodox form of Sunni Islam. Nevertheless, both countries have had contention since 1995, where Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad al-Thani,  was deposed by his own son, Crown Prince Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani in a bloodless coup,  driving the country away from its dependency on Saudi patronage and cutting the apron strings that traditionally tie Gulf states.

No to Saudi Patronage

2. The Iraq invasion of Kuwait in 1990 was a tipping point that caused distrust between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and other Gulf member states. The Saudi,- who often behave and perceived as the big brother in GCC- feared and failed to encounter the Iraqi aggression and protect its small neighbouring member state, Kuwait. This has made Qatar strive to recalculate its relations with Saudis and seek protection beyond the Kingdom’s wing.

Security Dilemma

3. Qatar has been and still concerned over its security dilemma considering that it has the smallest army in the region. The quest to protect the micro-state and it 313,000 native Qataris and survive in a world determined by anarchy and realist views, has been the biggest issue. Therefore, developing a unique foreign policy was a key to resolving the dilemma and to survive in the global order.  

“Soft” Foreign Policy

4. As part of crafting a unique “soft” foreign policy so that the small state is recognized globally and relatively protected in case of anarchy eruption, Qatar establishes  the controversial Al Jazeera satellite channel, brand the state of Qatar as a peace-broker/mediator in a febrile region; hosting conflict belligerents/politicians from (Palestine, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Sudan),  hosting international cultural exhibits, museums, prestigious education institution, and even winning the race to host world cup 2022.

Vigorous Diplomacy

5. Qatar adopted the policy of “Keep your enemies close and your friends’ closer", and vigorous diplomacy was in place, where all actors are welcomed to Doha, including those who are hostile to each other, such as Israelis and Hamas, Saudis and Iranians, Americans and Russians. Qatar's immense wealth facilitates its rulers' vision to ensure "good" relations with everyone. Note that Qatar's citizens are the richest in the world, with a GDP per person of $80,000-plus

Part-time neutral

6. Prior to Arab Spring, Qatar insisted on promoting its self as a neutral and non-aligned country but during the remarkable uprising across the Arab States in 2011, it shifted semi-neutrality to an open support to the increased power of the Muslim Brotherhoods forces across the region. Despite the core ideological differences between the ruling family and the brothers yet Qatar perceive them as potential counter-balance actors to the looming giant next door, Saudi Arabia and as part of the new order in the region. Qatar was frowned on by Gulf leaders for its friendly relations with Muslim Brotherhood. The Qatari state did not shy away from offering exile for many prominent dissidents in Doha and bankrolling Islamists in Egypt, Libya, Syria and Gaza.

Guaranteed security

7. When Saudi Arabia turfed out American troops following the Gulf war of 1991 due fear of backlash by puritans, Qatar seized the opportunity and invited Americans to install the largest American military base in its territory.

Qatar: The Prodigal Son

8. Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, who has ruled since overthrowing his father in 1995, passed power to his 33-year old son Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani in 2013. The young prince sought to smooth ruffled feathers of fellow Gulf leaders and he since adopted a friendly approach, expressed a pragmatic tone and loathed the Brothers(!), alongside its fellow Saudi Arabia and UAE. However, it remains questionable if the state of Qatar is genuine in its stance.

Trump’s recent visit to Saudi seems to impact relations within the Gulf house. KSA and UAE bent on a political realignment of Gulf member states and Qatar will be pushed to the shelves unless it shows compliance with Saudi policies.

Spotting the similarities between the #Saudi Regime and the #American Administration #Trump #KingSalman

Saudi Arabia in UN Human Rights Council: "Madam Vice President, Shut the critics up!"

To those who reckon that a seat for Saudi Arabia in UN Human Rights Council and UN women's rights commission means nothing and won't cause harm. Watch this video from Human Rights Council session on the 23 June 2014. The Saudi state representative was bluntly requesting from Madam VP to silence the voice of a civil society actor criticising the deteriorating human rights record in the Kingdom - particularly the case of imprisoned reformists, Raif Badawi and Waleed Abu Alkhair. Very intimidating!

No Male-Guardianship No Cry: As long as there is no condition backed by the system and in accordance with the Islamic Sharia Laws

Last Night, the Saudi state announced a royal decree on the issue of women's need to have the consent of male guardianship for receiving state services.

*Please read the Arabic text carefully below and do not spread false information.

Here is how I read the decree:

1. As long as there is no condition backed by the system and in accordance with the Islamic Sharia Laws (!), women should not be requested the consent of a male-guardianship when receiving state services.

2. The decree does not "End" the guardianship system immediately nor completely - it calls upon the state bodies to collect all procedure which condition women to have the consent of male guardianship, and end it in three months from now - as long as there is no clear condition backed by the system and in accordance with the Islamic Sharia.

So it remains to be seen which state services that have a condition backed by the system as well as in accordance with the Islamic Sharia Laws -  hence can not end male guardianship consent requirement.

The Decree in Arabic: 

وجه خادم الحرمين الشريفين الملك سلمان بن عبد العزيز آل سعود – حفظه الله - بعدم مطالبة المرأة بالحصول على موافقة ولي أمرها حال تقديم الخدمات لها، ما لم يكن هناك سند نظامي لهذا الطلب وفقًا لأحكام الشريعة الإسلامية.

جاء ذلك في تعميم من المقام السامي على جميع الجهات الحكومية المعنية بعد الموافقة على المقترحات التي رفعتها الأمانة العامة لمجلس الوزراء لحل الإشكالات فيما يتعلق بحقوق المرأة.

وأكد الأمر السامي على الجهات المعنية بضرورة مراجعة الإجراءات المعمول بها لديها ولدى الأجهزة المرتبطة بها ذات الصلة بالتعامل مع الطلبات والخدمات المقدمة للمرأة، وحصر جميع الاشتراطات التي تتضمن طلب الحصول على موافقة ولي أمر المرأة لإتمام أي إجراء أو الحصول على أي خدمة مع إيضاح أساسها النظامي والرفع عنها في مدة لا تتجاوز 3 أشهر من تاريخ صدور الأمر.

كما تضمن مطالبة الجهات الحكومية باتخاذ ما يلزم من إجراءات لتوفير وسائل النقل المناسبة لمنسوبات الجهة من النساء وذلك حسب الإمكانات المتاحة، مع التأكيد على وزارة العمل والتنمية الاجتماعية بإلزام أصحاب العمل بتوفير وسائل النقل للعاملات من النساء، وفقا لما تقضي به أحكام نظام العمل.

وأشارت التوجيهات الكريمة إلى دعم هيئة حقوق الإنسان لتتولى بالتنسيق مع الجهات الحكومية المعنية وضع ما يلزم من برامج للتعريف بالاتفاقيات الدولية التي انضمت اليها المملكة، وذلك من خلال وضع خطة شاملة للتوعية بحقوق المرأة من خلال وسائل الإعلام والمؤسسات التعليمية والتدريبية، على أن يشمل ذلك توضيح البنود التي تحفظت عليها المملكة في تلك الاتفاقيات وطبيعة التزامات المملكة بهذه الاتفاقيات.

Gender-Apartheid Saudi Should Be Isolated

This op-ed was first published in the Swedish Daily Newspaper SvD (Sweden), in Aftenposten (Norway) and Information (Denmark)

I am a constructivist in my worldview and against isolating authoritarian states because sanctions and isolation often have counterproductive effects in propping political and social change. But there is an exception to every rule and the Kingdom of [Men], Saudi Arabia, - is that exception. Saudi Arabia should be isolated because it has demonstrated over and over again its unwillingness to socialise/accept human rights and gender equality as the norm. Instead, they misuse their international and financial leverage to block/avoid naming and shaming and pressure other states as well as different actors to accept Saudi Arabia status quo.

Last year, former U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon admitted bowing to oil-rich Saudi Arabia’s blackmail and pressure to remove the country from a list of violators of children’s rights, or else Saudis would cut aid and humanitarian funding to UN programmes.

In 2015, during UN Human Right Council (HRC) session, Saudi Arabia objected to Netherlands-proposal to send a United Nations-led inquiry into claims of war crimes in Yemen. Saudis lobbied intensively to pass a partial resolution based on a Saudi text, to which ultimately backed by western governments.

In 2014, Saudi Arabia issued a travel ban against Samar Badawi - the wife of the Saudi imprisoned lawyer and Olof Palme laurate, Waleed Abu al-Khair, - to attend an EU forum on human rights in Brussels and speak on behalf of her husband.

These incidents, - are few examples among others which- prove that Saudi Arabia has no incentive to adopt and implement holistic reforms at home. Therefore, electing the Kingdom into UN Women's Rights Commission will have a negative impact on women’s struggle in Saudi Arabia; the government will use international platforms to muzzle critics, dissidents and perpetuate inequality and oppression.  Moreover, there is a high probability that women rights activists will be further silenced and harassed, particularly when bringing about criticism against the Saudi state to the commission.

My life as a child and a grown-up woman in the city of Jeddah in Saudi Arabia, was ruled by segregation; education is single-sex from nursery through to the whole education system, working places, state offices and banks have “ladies’ branches”, restaurants are divided into “family section” and men-only areas, and even global fast food restaurant chains, like McDonald's make men and women queue separately for its burgers.

I was taught in my public schools in Saudi Arabia that the majority in hell are women, that women have incomplete minds and faith and that we are the source of strife and havoc.

Public schools for girls are named after "numbers", not after heroines and historical female figures, as it is the case with boys public schools, - who are named after distinguished male names. I personally went to the following schools during my upbringing: The Elementary of 20th, the Intermediate of 10h. the High-school of 46th. Ten years later after leaving secondary school, my schools are still standing in the same place to witness the persistent of the kingdom's joyless gender segregation and the culture of misogyny. Even in public spaces, women names are replaced by numbers because of society- supported by the state- believe that women names are a source of shame and should not be exhibited before the public.

Saudi Arabia is a country- where a woman needs the consent of a male guardian from cradle to grave; a mother is subject to the guardianship of her own teenage son as she is legally treated a minor forever. This country should never be allowed a seat in UN women's rights commission unless we see concrete changes.

From time to time, emerges ludicrous claims about a lot of improvement for Saudi women situation. In fact, there is no genuine blueprint for reform and any improvement for women's rights remain paltry and cosmetic.

On the 6th of November-1990, 47 brave Saudi women, - of academics, doctors, business women, civil servants and students-  drove their families’ cars to protest against the female driving ban. Later on, they were arrested, imprisoned and ultimately had their passports confiscated, some lost their jobs, others expelled from schools and all of them faced defamation and smear campaigns.

The prince who oversaw the punishment against those courageous women was the prince Salman Bin Abdulaziz, - the former governor of Riyadh and the current King of Saudi Arabia since 2015. It is absurd that the same prince who pushed women back from the steering wheel to the back seat 27 years ago is today the head of a state, elected to work for gender equality in UN women’s rights commission. An Arabic proverb says “A blind person cannot judge colours”. And a gender-apartheid state, - which still keeps women in political, social and legal shackles - cannot drive towards gender equality.

Hana Al-Khamri 

At last; I swam in the gender-segregated city of my childhood, Jeddah!

Growing up as a woman in Saudi Arabia means you are only allowed to watch father, brothers, cousins and even your own baby boy making waves and diving in the red sea, while you bitterly staring at them, swathed in full-length black cloaks (abaya), paired with hijab (headscarf) and niqab (which leaves a slit for the eyes).

Segregation rules the kingdom; banks have “ladies branches”, restaurants are divided into “family section” and men-only areas, education is single-sex from nursery through to doctorates.

The Kingdom could not strike the sea with Moses' stick to make male and female sea entries and thus boys/men are the only ones to swim in public beaches.

In times of war, I plead not guilty for being Yemeni-Saudi!

The Saudi war in Yemen forced me to deal with an onerous task; re-defining my identity in times of war. I was born a Yemeni but grew up in the bride of the red sea; the city of Jeddah. The question of identity emerged from a crucible of war and I had to grapple with it for the last two-year of the conflict.

For years, I have been struggling with my identity. Am I a Yemeni or a Saudi?

As a post-gulf war Yemeni child growing up in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, I lived with fear injections; fearing to be denied schooling, fearing to be deported, fearing to be jailed if I say anything displeases the royalists and the religious clerics.  I was born as a Yemeni from Ibb-Adan, but I grew up in the bride of the red sea; the city of Jeddah. I went to Saudi public schools. I know how to speak Hijazi slangs, and sing local songs. I cheered always for the “Ittihad”, the local football team and I could always crack the best Saudi dirty jokes.
In fact, I learned the Saudi national song along before the Yemeni one. Nevertheless, none of that was adequate to let me belong to the beloved city.

During my life in the Kingdom, I encountered racist comments, in state offices, across public hospitals and even from teachers at schools. I often heard awful comments along the line of “a foreigner” and “an oil sucker”.

I was 13-year-old when I was playing in the classroom with my girlfriends. The geography teacher went mad and pointed at me shouting: “You stranger, You better behave”. Tears fell down my face. I felt a pain in my chest, a pain that is still in place and aching. In that very moment, I recall, deciding to be a Yemeni!

I renounced my Saudi side. I sought to construct my Yemeni identity; I learned to speak as a Yemeni, I coloured my Saudi accent by Yemeni words, I learned the history of the country and its politics. I wrote my thesis about Yemen; I established an NGO about Yemen and started the journey of planting Yemeni into my heart.

In 2015, the Saudi aerial bombardment in Yemen started; announcing a war against my country by the country of the upbringing. This brutal war sent me into shock waves, I was assailed from all sides; by Yemeni and Saudi friends alike and I had to handle a barrage of questions related to my identity. At times things seem hazy to me, sometimes I wished if I could hide under my skin to avoid the interrogation by Yemeni and Saudi friends, who were questioning me with jingoism, and feeding doubts about my genuine stance. In the eye of a Yemeni, I am a traitor and of a Saudi, a potential fifth column.

Amid the din of the war, I bent on rewriting my true identity. I decided to come to terms with my “Jeddawi” identity. Today, I plead not guilty for being Yemeni-Saudi. I am a Yemeni from Jeddah and against all wars!