Yemen: Unplugging Life-support for Civil Society in Conflict time

During Stockholm Civil Society week  this month, I met representatives from different International Non-Governmental Organizations INGOs. Every time I introduced myself as a Yemeni, the immediate respond was to inform me that their projects and support for Civil Society organisations CSOs in Yemen have been terminated due to ongoing conflict. This statement reflects the alarming fact that there is less than two percent support to CSOs in time of conflict.

Yemeni is undergoing a conflict caused by incompatibility over government. The primary warring parties of the conflict are the rebel group better known as “Houthis” and the transitional government led by president Hadi. There is a secondary actor involved the conflict, which is a coalition led by neighbouring country Saudi Arabia to back up the Yemeni president against the rebels. Since the onset of the war in Yemen, local civil society actors are in the forefront to respond to the crisis, even before INGOs humanitarian agencies get involved. For instance, networks of Yemeni merchants and civil actors are helping refugees in finding free passages through vessels to take them out of Yemen. Local civil societies are acting to keep social cohesion and norms in order to avoid the outbreak of gender based violence and other forms of violence. Overall, civil society actors are faster in responding to conflict, therefore saving more lives and mitigating the level of suffering in their communities. Local actors have legitimacy and the trust of their people. They are able to operate in conflict affected areas, because they speak the language, are aware of local codes and power dynamics, and have contextualized understanding on the ground.  The local CSOs are aware of the needs and the vulnerabilities of their communities. This also has been expressed in ‘Kvinna till Kvinna’s’ recent study of peace-building and local women activists in Syria.

CSOs have a significant role in enabling people to claim their rights, affirm human rights norms, and prompt peace, justices and freedom. Despite the value of CSOs and their considerable role, donor states and INGOs are unplugging life-support from CSOs in time of warfare. Oxfam’s recent report has revealed that during 2007–2013; around 1.87 percent of annual humanitarian assistance went directly to local CSOs actors. The percentage is very low because INGOs who provide funds usually have pre-set humanitarian programmes, or provide funds only to organisations whose works are in line with humanitarian aid. The result is that several other CSOs,-that play important roles in a war torn country - are severely overlooked.

The official Catholic aid agency for England and Wales has stated in their paper titled “Funding at the sharp end”,  that current international humanitarian financing system is biased and privileging the voice and influence of international actors rather than local actors. This is problematic and causes immense challenges for the survival of local CSOs. Cutting fund from CSOs in conflict time forces LNGOs into a margin and vulnerability. The concentration of funds within the fields of humanitarian aid and short terms humanitarian projects forces local CSOs, to change their identity and objectives for the sake of survival. The current conflict and the disregard to CSOs have created a sense of alienation among civic activists. Local civil actors in Yemen are frustrated that donors do not listen to their local priorities, particularly if these priorities do not correspond directly to humanitarian work.

During the outbreak of the humanitarian crisis in Yemen, UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs UNOCH declared the country a level three humanitarian emergency response. This means that the country is classified severe with large scale of humanitarian crisis. Yemen is now placed as the third largest recipient of humanitarian aid from The Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida), following Syria and South Sudan. International humanitarian actors including Sida, ought to communicate, cooperate with existing local CSOs and enhance their capacity. When International NGOs and Local NGOs work together they can be particularly effective in achieving their goals in short and long terms. CSOs could play a significant role to stimulate peace efforts in time of conflict. Therefore, endeavours should be directed to invest in enhancing their capacity and consider their local expertise when designing and implementing humanitarian intervention.
Next year, The UN is hosting the world humanitarian summit to address the unprecedented challenges that face the humanitarian aid and come up with efficient global agenda. Donors and INGOs shall take the opportunity to rethink the current setting and press for the inclusion of local NGOs, especially in time of conflict.

Hana Al-Khamri
Writer, consultant and the co-founder of the Yemeni Salon, a diaspora organisation based in Sweden

Jemen - på randen till sammanbrott

Konflikten i Jemen är i grunden inte sekteristisk. Åtminstone inte ännu. Vad vi nu ser utspela sig är en ny fas i den segdragna maktkampen mellan regionens två stormakter: Saudiarabien och Iran. De två länderna kämpar om regional hegemoni och Jemen är deras slagfält.

Saudiarabien, som tillsammans med USA stödjer den jemenitiska regeringen, leder den så kallade "koalitionen" (ytterligare fyra gulfstater, Egypten, Jordanien, Marocko och Sudan) som lanserat en militär attack för att pressa tillbaka Houthirebellerna. Denna grupp, vilken sägs få stöd från Iran, tog kontroll över huvudstaden Sana'a i september 2014 och fortsatte expansionen söderut i början av året.

Den militära intervention som leds av Saudiarabien går nu in på sin fjärde vecka och syftar till att återge president Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi makten i Jemen. Hadi har flytt undan Houthirebellerna och befinner sig i Riyadh. 

Houthirebellerna har nyligen allierat sig med Jemens förra diktator Saleh som avsattes efter över 30 år vid makten när den arabiska våren bröt ut 2011. Saleh var länge Houthirebellernas ärkefiende som de utkämpade hårda strider mot under inbördeskriget mellan 2004-2009. Men nu har alltså Houthirebellerna och Saleh gjort gemensam sak mot president Hadi och den saudi-ledda koalitionen.

Den våldsamma upptrappningen av konflikten har kraftigt förvärrat den sedan tidigare pågående humanitära krisen i Jemen, arabvärldens fattigaste land. Samtidigt skapas utrymme för olika radikala grupper att dra nytta av det kaos och maktvacuum som konflikten skapar, vilket ytterligare ökar instabiliteten i Jemen. 

Historiskt har Jemen kallats “The grave yard of invaders” då bland andra Ottomanska riket misslyckats med att ta kontroll över landet på grund av dess komplexa geografi och många lokala klaner. Att ta kontroll över Jemen, till ytan lika stort som Frankrike, med militärmakt är ingen enkel sak.

Houthirebellerna har som en konsekvens av den mångåriga konflikten med Saleh - men också Saudiarabien - i början av 2000-talet utvecklats till en effektiv gerillagrupp. I den nu pågående konflikten har de utifrån sina positioner i bergen i norra Jemen lyckats attackera den saudiska gränsen och flera saudiska soldater har dödats. Anarki råder i Jemen och landet står på randen till att falla sönder i kaos. Det finns en risk att vad vi nu ser är början till ett storskaligt krig om inte regionens stormakter lägger sin rivalitet åt sidan och skapar möjlighet för en fredlig lösning på konflikten. 

Koalitionen bör inse att konflikten riskerar att spridas och påverka hela regionen negativt. Efter över 400 dödade och 2000 skadade är det nu hög tid att FN:s säkerhetsråd agerar och omedelbart kräver ett eld upphör. Man bör snarast leta efter en tänkbar plats där representanter för konfliktens parter kan mötas. Jemens grannland Oman, den enda gulfstaten som vägrade att bli en del av koalitionen som nu attackerar landet, är en tänkbar mötesplats för fredsförhandlingar

#Yemen lurches from crises to crises

On the 20^th of January, The Yemeni Salon was phoned by the Swedish Radio (The state public podcast), in Stockholm. To comment on the recent crisis that took place in the capital Sanaa between the Yemeni transitional government and the emerged rebel group known as “Houthis”. The group seized Sanaa since last September and on 17^th of January they kidnaped a state political official and surrounded the presidential palace. I had to provide comments and clarifications within five minutes on the complex reality.

As usual, with the sense of high tempo in the radio, we couldn’t discuss all relevant questions live, so in this post I will publish the unaired questions and answers.

The interview was in Swedish. You can find the full interview here.

However, an English translated version can be found below…

In Swedish:

Vad är det som håller på att hända - vad är den senaste utvecklingen i Jemen? 

Det är en maktkamp som vi ser i Jemen. Den här rebell-gruppen housi som tog över huvadstaden Sana’ i slutet av september har nu kidnappat presidentens närmaste man, Bin Mubarak. Men rebellerna kallar det för en arrestering - de tycker att han står för korruption men dom kan inte ge några konkreta exempel på den här korruptionen.

Rebellerna har också attackerat president-palatset, och omringat presidenten i hans hus. De sista två dagarna har det förekommit sammandrabbningar mellan rebellerna och presidentens styrkor. Men igår kväll har parterna börjat förhandla med varandra för att få slut på våldet. De har kommit överens om tio punkter som tydligt visar att hothirebellerna vill ha stort politiskt inflytande i jemen.

*Parterna skrev under en överenskommelse igår- vad är det de har kommit överens om?

De har kommit överens om tio punkter som tydligt visar att hothirebellerna vill ha stort politiskt inflytande i jemen. Bland annat ska det utkast till konstitution som president Hadi nyligen presenterade omformuleras. Hothirebellerna ska tilldelas platser inom samtliga statliga instutitioner. I gengälld ska hothirebellerna dra sig tillbaka från presidentpalatset och släppa presidentens näraste . Men hothirebellerna ser ut att stanna kvar i Sanaa tills vidare.

*Vad kan det få för konsekvenser för Jemen att de här rebellerna får mer inflytande?

Huthirebellerna är en minoritet i landet. Om de får starkt inflytande så sker det sannolikt på andra gruppers bekostnad. Det kan leda till att olika klaner bildar allianser med extremistgrupper för att skydda sina intressen, vilket ytterligare skulle öka instabiliteten i Jemen.

* Hur skulle du beskriva gruppen?

Namnet Houthi kommer från gruppens grundare Hussein Al-Huthi. Själva kallar de sig Ansar Allah. Gruppen utgör en inriktning inom shiaislam. Houthi startade som en religös rörelse som försöte skydda religiösa och kulturella traditioner från den konservativa och växande salafismen som har kopplingar till Saudiarabien. De senaste åren har houthi utvecklats till en politisk rörelse.  

Den här rebellgruppen Houti har haft kontrollen över huvudstaden Sanaa sedan i september förra året - varför bryter det här ut nu?

Efter den arabiska våren 2011 uppstod ett politiskt vakuum i Jemen. Hothirebellerna har sedan dess tagit kontroll över stora delar av norra Jemen. I förra veckan presenterade president Hadi ett utkast på en ny konstitution. Där står det att Jemen ska bli en federal stat och delas i sex delstater. Det skulle betyda att hothirebellerna måste lämna ifrån sig en del av de områden de idag kontrollerar. Hothirebbelernas agerande de senaste dagarna kan ses som ett sätt att sätta press på presidenten för att behålla sitt inflytande. En av punkterna från gårdagens avtal slår exempelvis fast att konstitutionen ska omformuleras. Liknande avtal har brutits förut så det är mycket möjligt att våldet kommer blossa upp igen.

Vad vi ser nu är dock ingen klassisk statskupp. Hothirebellernas mål är förmodligen inte att ta över makten utan att få inflytande över politiken så deras intressen försvaras - att ta över den politiska makten i Jemen är politiskt självmord med tanke på alla problem som finns i landet.

Gulfstaterna har blixtinkallat ett utrikesministermöte med anledning av vad som händer i Jemen - hur påverkar de här oroligheterna resten av regionen?

Gulfstaterna har under många år blandat sig i den politiska utvecklingen i Jemen på ett problematisk sätt. När det nu sker dramatiska händelser i Jemen så är det viktigt för gulfstaterna att följa vad som händer. Skulle oroligheterna utvecklas till ett inbördeskrig skulle det leda till stora flyktingströmmar och sannolikt ge olika extremister större inflytande. Men gulfstaterna är också rädda för att Jemen ska demokratiseras eftersom det skulle kunna leda till krav på reformer inom gulfstaterna.

Det finns misstanke att den här rebellgruppen stöds av Iran och lika så att regeringen stöttas av Saudiarabien - vilka intressen finns det i Jemen från de här länderna?

Man kan säga att det råder ett kallt krig i Mellanöstern mellan Saudiarabien och Iran. Dessa länder kämpar om att uppnå hegemoni i regionen. Det handlar dels om en religiös kamp mellan shia och sunni islam, och dels om politisk makt. Jemen har blivit en arena där Saudiarabien och Iran på olika sätt kämpar mot varandra.

Jemen är ett land som präglats av oroligheter och maktskiften under väldigt lång tid -  vad krävs för att skapa stabilitet landet?

En del säger att jemen är en stat som beter sig som en klan, och att olika klaner i landet beter sig som stater. Det leder till många probem i landet.

För det första behöver Jemen en stark centralmakt som minskar utrymmet för olika aktörer att agera på egen hand och som samtidigt har möjlighet att nå ut till befolkningen i hela landet. Jemen är Mellanösterns fattigaste land och över halva befolkningen lever under FN:s fattigdomsgräns. För det andra krävs att det internationella samfundet lanserar en slags Marshall-plan för att vända den pågående humanitära krisen i Jemen och bidra till utveckling och demoratisering.

Du är engagerad i organisationen The Jemen Salon här i Stockholm - på vilket sett arbetar ni med utvecklingen i Jemen? 

The Yemeni Salon är en kulturpolitisk mötesplats för de som är intresserade av Jemen här i Sverige. Vi försöker sprida kunskap om Jemen, ett land som ofta glöms bort i västerländsk media och vi försöker även lyfta alternativa röster från Jemen som vanligtvis inte får möjlighet att komma fram. Det kommande året kommer vi arbeta med projekt mellan kulturpolitiska aktörer i Sverige och i Jemen.

Vad tror du kommer hända nu i Jemen - vilket framtidsscenario är mest sannolikt?

Vad vi ser i Jemen nu är en maktkamp. Det är väldigt svårt att förutse vad som kommer hända eftersom det politiska läget är väldigt komplext. Historiskt har vi sett hur olika aktörer plötsligt byter sida i Jemen. Det ryktas att huthirebellerna nu samarbetar expresidenten Saleh som avgick efter protesterna 2011. Idag kommer det hållas demonstationer framför Sanaa´s universitet mot huthirebellerna. Det finns en risk att andra grupper kommer ta saken i egna händer och liksom huthirebellerna kräva ökat inflytande.

In English:

What is happening - what is the latest development in Yemen?

What we seeing in Yemen is part of a power struggle. The rebel group “Houthis” who took over the capital, Sanaa in late September has now kidnapped the president's chief of staff, Bin Mubarak. But the rebels labelled the action as an arrest – The rebel claim that Bin Mubarak stands for corruption, but the group do not provide any concrete examples of what corruption he stands for.

The rebels have attacked the presidential palace, and besieged the president Hadi in his house. The last two days clashes have occurred between the rebels and the presidential forces. But last night (January 20), the parties have begun to negotiate with each other to end the violence. They have agreed on ten points which clearly shows that the Houthi rebels want to have great political influence in Yemen.

*The parties signed an agreement yesterday- what is it they have agreed on?

They have agreed on ten points which clearly shows that Houthis want to have great political leverage. Among other things, they demand to re-edit the constitution’s draft which was recently released by the president; they also demand to assign the rebel representatives seats in different state institutions. In return, the group should withdraw from the presidential palace and release Bin Mubarak. However, the rebel appears to remain in Sanaa until further notice.

What might be the consequences for Yemen that these rebels have more influence?

The rebels are viewed as a minority group. Therefore, some perceived the agreement as a good step in sharing power with previously excluded groups. Nevertheless, there is a problematic aspect that should be discussed. When you give particular group leverage in the state politics that occurs likely at the expenses of other groups. Consequently, this can force different tribal leader to form alliances with extremist groups to protect their own interests, which would further increase instability in Yemen.

How would you describe the Houthi rebel group?

The name comes from the group's founder Hussein al-Houthi. The group call themselves Ansar Allah. The group are from Zaydi sect of Shi'a Islam. Houthi started as a religious movement that sought to protect its religious and cultural traditions from the a growing conservative salafism , which has links to Saudi Arabia. In recent years, Houthi has become a political movement.

This rebel group Houti has been in control of the capital, Sanaa since last September - why conflict breaks out now?

There was a political vacuum in Yemen, after the Arab Spring in 2011. Houthi rebel has since then, taken control of large parts of northern Yemen. Last week, President Hadi, released a draft of a new constitution. It states in the draft, that Yemen will become a federal state and it will be divided into six federal states. That would mean that the rebel must surrender some of the areas which they currently control. Houthi actions of the past few days can be seen as a way to put pressure on the president to retain their influence and to pay time.

Worth to mention, that what we see now is not a classic military coup. The rebel aim is not likely to take over power but they seek to insure influence over Yemen’s policy and that their interests are defended - to take over political power in Yemen is a political suicide, given all the problems that exist in the country.

Gulf States had a meeting for its Foreign Ministers in the light of Yemen’s crisis - how does the current situation in Yemen troubles the rest of the region?

Gulf countries have for many years meddled in the political developments in Yemen, and some would describes their intervention in problematic manner. Now that it takes dramatic events in Yemen, obviously, it would be important for Gulf States to follow what happens.

If the crisis develops into a civil war, this would lead to large refugee flows and this will open from different extremist’s groups greater to seize the chaotic situation. But Gulf States are also afraid to see democratized Yemen as this inspire their citizens to demand reform.

There is a suspicion that this rebel group backed by Iran and equally so that the government supported by Saudi Arabia - which interests are there in Yemen from these countries?

One can say that there is sort of cold war in the Middle East between two regional powers, Saudi Arabia and Iran. These countries are competing to achieve hegemony in the region. This is partly about a religious struggle between Shia and Sunni Islam, and partly due political power struggle. Yemen has become an arena where Saudi Arabia and Iran in different ways are fighting each other.

Yemen is a country marked by unrest and a shift in power for a very long time - what is needed to bring stability to the country?

Some say that Yemen is a state that behaves like a clan, and that various clans in the country behave like states. This leads to many problems in the country.

Firstly, Yemen needs a strong central power that reduces the space for various actors to act on their own and at the same time have the opportunity to reach out to people in the periphery or across the country. Yemen is the poorest country in the Middle East, and over half the population live below the UN poverty line. Secondly, international community shall launch a kind of Marshall Plan to stop the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Yemen and to contribute to the development and to demoratisering the country.

You are engaged in the organization The Yemen Salon here in Stockholm – How do you work and engage with developments in Yemen?

The Yemeni Salon is a politico-cultural venue for those interested in Yemen in Sweden. We are trying to spread knowledge about Yemen, a country that is often forgotten in the Western media.  We are also trying to raise alternative voices from Yemen who do not usually get the opportunity to come forward. This coming year we will work on projects between cultural and political actors from Sweden and Yemen.

What do you think will happen now in Yemen - which future scenario is most likely?

What we see in Yemen now is a power struggle. It is very difficult to predict what will happen because the political situation is very complex. Historically, we have seen how different actors suddenly shift sides in Yemen. For instance, there are rumours in Yemen that the Houthi rebel now partnered with ex-president Saleh who resigned after protests in 2011. The same president who has waged six wars against them. There is a risk that other groups will take matters into their own hands and demands similar leverage as the one granted to the Houthi.  

Reflections on the Saudi film Wadjda and her Green Bicycle

I started my journalism career working at “the female journalist” section in a local newspaper in Jeddah – the second biggest city in Saudi Arabia – where “the other sex” were not allowed to enter our editorial office. It was 2005 when I caught wind of a Saudi woman who began mastering the art of filmmaking in a country without movie theatres. It felt as if this female Saudi filmmaker started emerging out of the gender apartheid state and challenging the status quo.

The filmmaker was Haifaa Al-Mansour, who has recently received universal acclaim for directing the first Saudi feature film Wadjda or The Green Bicycle. She carries a unique signature as the first female filmmaker from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia or rather “the Kingdom of Men” as a Saudi female activist dubbed it.

Al Mansour’s first feature film follows the story of the protagonist Wadjda, a 10-year-old girl. The movie was screened all over the world, but never in her homeland as there are no movie theatres in Saudi Arabia despite the fact that the movie was filmed in the Saudi capital.

Wadjda hopes to buy a bike for herself by winning a Quran recitation competition at school that offers a 200 Euro cash prize. Wadjda desperately wants a bike so she can beat her best friend, Abdullah in a race. It is the story of the harsh reality and cruelty of a segregated society, but it’s also a story of warmth, kindness, possibility as well as the desire for change. The general narrative captured my heart through the memories, feelings and questions it provoked.

The film’s opening sequences focus on the girls’ shoes: all black, plain and identical. Then they step aside to reveal Wadjda’s Converse All-Stars with purple laces, which set her apart from the other girls. I went to Saudi public schools that were similar to what is portrayed in the movie. There were many “Wadjda-like” characters in my school who broke the rules. I recall that we were the target of morning inspections by our teachers and principle. We had detailed rules on everything, from the uniform, hair bundle down to the colour of our shoes. Violating rules subjected you to punishment. 

A Saudi writer told me that when he was 13 he used to play with his neighbour’s daughter. One day, she disappeared from the street and he missed her. He knocked on her family’s door to ask about her. “Amal is an adult now, she is no longer allowed to play on the street,” said the mother and shut the door. “Since then I fell in love with that girl and I felt it was unjustifiable that they denied our friendship,” the writer said.

In a similar situation, Wadjda’s best friend Abdullah has expressed in the movie that he will marry her when they get older. It was the only way for little Abdullah to overcome the heart-breaking fact that their companionship must soon come to an end in the segregated country.

Women find their way by creating new alternatives. Hiring drivers are one example. In the movie, Wadjda’s mother represents the daily struggle to appease the Asian driver so that she does not lose her only means of transportation. 

Many of those working women spent half of their income or even more on private drivers. Technically they are working for the drivers, not the opposite. The warm relationship between Wadjda and her father proves that Saudi men are not inherently misogynist but patriarchy and gender norms force individuals into accepting the collective social norms.

There are a number of scenes where the director is trying to convey the bitter reality that males are not the only ones who are repressing women, but even women themselves internalize that oppression and play a role in reproducing the patriarchal system. That was the case with Wadjad’s teacher, mother and some of her classmates. This was also my personal account, as I have never met any males in Saudi Arabia other than my relatives, and my first experience with oppression came from fellow women, whether they were illiterate or educated women. A teacher once scolded me for working as a journalist and speaking with a male over the phone.

All in all, the film gives a very accurate and realistic portrayal of life in Saudi Arabia, which has never been shown to Western audiences. Before Wadjda, Al Mansour screened her short documentary Women without Shadows in 2005 at the residence of the French Consulate. That movie tackled the debate around hijab and the contradictory stances by leading religious scholars. Al Mansour produced two other short movies with almost no budget and with the help of her sisters. “I am inclined to social issues and I believe that cinema gives people an opportunity to reflect on their own reality,” said the filmmaker during my very first interview with her in 2006.

One should discuss Al Mansour’s claim that her movies only tackle social themes; hence they should not be given a political dimension. The current system of the Kingdom was a result of a theocratic marriage between the political elite and the religious establishment. The first accepted that the conservative Islamic branch, Wahhabism, became the dominant religious power in society, in exchange for the latter's support for the royal family’s claim for political power.

Hence, to call the oppression of women in Saudi Arabia a “social problem” is a total disregard for this historical division of power and that women have been central to both the religious and political projects. On the contrary, the royal family has actively supported the Wahhabi conservative movement, since its socially oppressive version of Islam coincided with a political regime that too relied on political oppression in order to stay in power. Disregarding these historical facts throws Al Mansour at the side of the state’s official narrative, which claims that what is happening in the country is due to the will of the people, not the will of the elite. Thus, the movie is against the society, not the state.

I met Al Mansour personally in 2010 and interviewed her twice. I followed the controversy that her movies caused within Saudi society. Despite the absence of actual theatres, Saudis watch movies on TV, DVD and through the internet. The views from her country about her work ranged from alarm and indignant rejection to sincere empathy. 

Al Mansour’s plan to direct her first feature film was disclosed in an interview in 2010 and was scheduled to be released in 2011. However, they had to postpone the project as she faced difficulties in convincing producers to shoot the film in her homeland. After years of struggle, Wadjda and her green bicycle transcend continental boundaries in 2013. What makes this movie unique is that it was filmed in Riyadh, the birthplace of the conservatives.

How come a movie which tackles taboo issues such as the status of women could be supported by the same oppressors? The Saudi government has allowed the director to film inside the country, a wealthy prince has partially funded the film, and at last her film has been selected as the Saudi state official submission for Oscar’s foreign-language category 2014.

Paradoxically, the oppressors who constructed the segregation system are maintaining to oppress half of their population on the one hand while celebrating the movie internationally on the other. Al Mansour expressed several times that she didn’t want to rebel or harm her own people’s feelings. However, her fellow citizen, professor of anthropology and religion Madawi Al Rasheed, in her book A Most Masculine State, consider Al Mansour and other Saudi women as “part of the state-sponsored feminism, in order to fight political dissent and appease the west.”

The Saudi state strives to promote the movie as a story about society’s lifestyle, regardless of the state’s crucial role in constructing the patriarchal system. Al Mansour might be an excellent example of the rentier state’s production, where people are “subjects” not full citizens due to the absence of taxation. Hence, individuals become grateful for the royal family instead of being demanding citizens.

Therefore, it was not surprising to me to see a scene where the Saudi royal family was inserted into the narrative. Once Wadjda rides her bicycle, we see a bus with a large sticker that shows images of senior state figures.

The Green Bicycle or Wadjda is a close-up of a closed state. It offers a visual insight into life in Saudi Arabia. I encourage everyone to see it with critical eyes. In the public debate, especially in the west, Saudi women and Arab women, in general, have been trapped within the duality of being survivors which need to be saved or victims which need to be rescued.

It is important that the story of Wadjda will not be caught up by misconceptions and just plain ignorance. Let us keep a professional distance from Al Mansour’s work and not get overwhelmed with the title of “exceptional first female director from oppressive Saudi Arabia.” If we forced Al Mansour into this presumed image and duality, we in the west would also be projecting another form of negative discrimination against Saudi women.

Wadjda: A production of the Rentire state

 

Haifaa Al Mansour 

The Saudi state strives to promote the movie as a story about the society's lifestyle, regardless of the state crucial role in constructing the patriarchal system.  Al Manosur might be an excellent example of The Reinter state production, where people are “subjects” not full citizens due to the absence of taxation. Hence, individuals become grateful for the royal family instead of being demanding citizens. Therefore, it was not surprising to me to see a scene where the Saudi royal family was inserted into the narrative. Once Wadjda rides her bicycle, we see a bus with a large sticker that shows images of senior state figures.

First Published at the Daily Danish Newspaper, Information.

read the whole piece @ sharnoffsglobalviews


One should discuss Al Mansour’s claim that her movies only tackle social themes; hence they should not be given a political dimension. The current system of the Kingdom was a result of a theocratic marriage between the political elite and the religious institute. The first accepted that the conservative Islamic branch, Wahhabism, became the dominant religious power in society, in exchange for the latter’s support for the royal family’s claim for political power.  Al Mansour movies tackles women’s situation in her country. Hence, to call the oppression of women in Saudi Arabia a “social problem” is a total disregard for this historical division of power and that women have been the central to both the religious and political projects. On the contrary, the royal family has actively supported the Wahhabi conservative movement, since its socially oppressive version of Islam fitted extremely well with a political regime that too relied on political oppression in order to stay in power. Disregarding these historical facts, throws Al Mansour at the side of the state’s official narrative, which claims that what happening in the country, is due to people will not the elite will. Thus, the movie is against the society not the state.

I met Al Mansour personally in 2010 and interviewed her twice. Most importantly, I followed the controversy that her movies caused within the Saudi society. Despite the absence of actual theatres, Saudis watch movies on TV, DVD and through the internet. The views from her country about her work ranged from alarm and indignant rejection to sincere empathy. 

Al Mansour's plan to direct her first feature film was disclosed in an interview in 2010, and was scheduled to be released in 2011. However, they had to postpone the project as she faced difficulties in convincing producers to shoot the film in her homeland. After years of struggle, Wadjda and her green bicycle transcend continental boundaries in 2013. What makes this movie unique is that it was filmed in Riyadh “the capital of Saudi Arabia” and the birth place of the conservatives. Nevertheless, there are a number of questions spinning in my head. How come a movie which tackles taboo issue as Women’s status quo, could be supported by the same oppressors?” The Saudi government has allowed the director to film inside the country, a wealthy prince has partially funded the film, and at last her film has been selected as the Saudi state official submission for the Oscar’s foreign-language category 2014.  


Paradoxically, the oppressors who constructed the segregation system is maintaining to oppress half of their population on one hand and celebrating the movie internationally on the other. Al Mansour expressed several times that she didn't want to rebel or harm her own people’s feelings. However, her fellow citizen, professor of anthropology and religion Madawi Al Rasheed, in her book A Most Masculine State, considers Al Mansour and other Saudi women as “part of the state-sponsored feminism, in order to fight political dissent and appease the west”.  

The Saudi state strives to promote the movie as a story about the society's lifestyle, regardless of the state crucial role in constructing the patriarchal system.  Al Manosur might be an excellent example of The Rentier state's production, where people are “subjects” not full citizens due to the absence of taxation. Hence, individuals become grateful for the royal family instead of being demanding citizens. 

Therefore, it was not surprising to me to see a scene where the Saudi royal family was inserted into the narrative. Once Wadjda rides her bicycle, we see a bus with a large sticker that shows images of senior state figures. 

The Green Bicycle is a close-up of an isolated state. It offers a visual insight of the life in Saudi Arabia. I encourage everyone to see it with critical eyes. In the public debate, especially in the west, Saudi women and Arab women in general have been trapped within the duality of being survivors,-need to be saved- or victims. Therefore, it is important that the story of Wadjda will not be caught up by misconceptions and just plain ignorance. Therefore, let us keep a professional distance from Al Mansour’s work and not get overwhelmed with the title of “Exceptional first female director from oppressive Saudi Arabia”. If we forced Al Mansour into this presumed image and duality, we also “in the west” would be projecting another form of negative discrimination against Saudi women. 

Drones attacks de-humanize and de-individualize Yemenis!

One September, 30 organizations in Sweden have assembled to arrange a peaceful demonstration in protest against American administration policies. I participated in the demo representing The Yemeni Salon. I spoke on the policy of drones warfare, that de-humanize and de-individualize people. You can find the speech below in English and in Swedish.

In English: 

“I was sitting with my friends there, and we were going to play football, when suddenly we were shaken by the sound of a violent explosion. I looked in front of me and saw a car  burning. A missile had struck it. Shrapnel hit me in my foot, but I did not feel any pain, and I ran towards the house with blood flowing from my injury. I saw the car burning beside me and one of my friends lost consciousness. Someone came with a car and took us to the hospital.”*

This is a terrifying story by a 13 years-old boy from Yemen called Amin Ali Hassan Al-Wisabi, 

Ali is one child of many other hundreds children that were targeted by American missile strikes. 

Today we are here to say that our improvised country –Yemen is not the terrorism capital of the world. we are here to say that the only terrorism we see right now is the multiple US drones flying over innocents civilians, 

Obama administration is running an assassination program. American war machine and  he drones warfare is a blind machine that kills without any proof or fair trials.That kills and  violates state sovereignty.

Everyone knows that Al-Qaeda was an American made enemy and now they are making  their own enemy again.  The America administration policy gives reasons for civilians to be radicalized and to be terrorists. 

They don’t understand the simple equation: drones doesn't make anyone safer, and “when a U.S. drone missile kills a child in Yemen, the father will go to war with US and this has  nothing to do with Al Qaeda,”

              Dear Friends, As we gather here under to protest against the violations of US administration. We condemn mass murder in Yemen, 
 Pakistan, Somalia and Afghanistan. We hold the U.S administration and our dictator governments accountable for the loss of the civilian lives.

Dear brothers and sisters, we would like to remind you by Martin Luther King words "In the End, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends." we Yemenis are concerned that Sweden will also contribute to the development of the drone, which is a growing industry. We urge to be vigilant and examine your own government, we urge you to be watchdogs and to keep eyes on your representatives and to questions the talks and agreements behind closed doors… that are signed by your names”



På Svenska

Jag satt där med mina vänner. Vi skulle just spela fotboll. Då, plötsligt, kastades vi omkull av en våldsam explosion. Jag tittade upp och såg en bil som brann framför mig. En missil hade träffat den. Splitter hade träffat mig i foten, men jag kände ingen smärta. Jag sprang mot huset medan blodet forsade från mitt sår. En av mina vänner förlorade medvetandet. Någon kom med en bil och tog oss till sjukhuset.

Det ni just hörde var ett vittnesmål från en trettonårig pojke i Jemen som heter Ali Hassan Al-Wisabi.Ali är ett av många hundra barn som drabbats av amerianska drönarattacker. Idag har vi samlats här för att säga att ett litet fattigt land som heter Jemen inte är något centrum för terrorism. Vi har samlats här för att säga att terrorismens centrum ligger i Washington. Att den terrorism som vi ser nu är de amerikanska drönare som flyger över oskyldiga civila. Att den terrosism som vi ser utgörs av den amerikanska krigsmaskin som dödar bybor, gravida kvinnor, barn, och en och annan milisman som de påstår är med i Al Qaida.

Obamas administration leder ett mördarprogram. De amerikanska drönarna är en del i detta mördarprogram som dödar utan bevis eller rättegång. Det är ett mördarprogram som släcker människoliv och kränker staters suvernitet.

Alla vet att Al Qaida tidigare sponsrades av USA. Nu har amerikanernas gamla vän blivit deras värsta fiende. Samtidigt skapar Obamaadministrationen nya fiender. USA:s dödande av oskyldiga civila göder radikalism och terrorism. USA vägrar förstå att drönare inte gör någon säkrare, och att varje gång dessa drönare dödar ett barn i Jemen så kommer en jeminitisk pappa att ta till vapen mot USA. Men det har ingenting med Al Qaida att göra!

När vi nu samlas här under den svenska himlen så gör vi det utan amerikanska drönare ovanför våra huvuden. Vi fördömer massmorden i Jemen, Pakistan, Somalia och Afghanistan. Vi håller den amerikanska administrationen ansvarig för dödandet av civila.

Kära vänner, jag skulle vilja påminna er om Martin Luther Kings ord:

"In the End, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends."

Kära vänner, vi jeminiter är oroliga att Sverige ska bidra till produktionen av drönare som är en växande industri. Vi uppmanar er att vara vaksamma och grannska er egen regering. Vi uppmanar er att agera vakthundar och hålla inte bara ett utan två ögon på era folkvalda representanter och att ifrågasätta de diskussioner och avtal som fattas bakom stängda dörrar.... I ert namn.

Tack!

* SupportYemen 

She rocks the cradle with her right hand and the world with her left.

I was honored to hangout live on BBC Arabic with Rasha Qandeel and other inspiring and intelligent women from the Arab world, to speak out on challenges and opportunities in post revolutions. The talk was part of covering 100 Women conference, where the public service gathered powerful ladies from around the world debating and discussing issues effecting women across the globe.

 

Check the discussion on  BBC Nuqtat Hewar - نقطة حوار‎

Check also our google hangout talk 

مائة امرأة -100 women